When he was growing up, Chris Christie's folks must have taught him that when he went to a new playground, he should pick a fight with the biggest kid there to show he has grit even if he got his nose broken. During this year's gubernatorial campaign, Chris Christie seemed to go out of his way pick fights with organized labor and he seemed to be picking fights that did not appear to need picking.
First, Christie forcefully snubbed New Jersey's largest teachers' union, the NJEA, by refusing to even be interviewed for their endorsement. Then, he called for mass layoffs of state workers while Governor Corzine hammered out givebacks at the bargaining table. And finally, he infuriated the building trades unions by demanding a ban on project labor agreements when they weren't on anyone's radar. At the time, labor was not feeling too warm and fuzzy towards Corzine due to some tense battles with his administration. However, Christie's escalating anti-union rhetoric became a magic potion that turned Christie into labor's nightmare and Corzine into their dream date.
As Governor-Elect, Christie may believe he has to live up to his anti-union campaign rhetoric or face a backlash from conservatives in his party. That would be a mistake. While the current union leadership may not have been able to effectively muster the get-out-the-vote strategy and bodies needed to reelect Corzine, treating the labor movement as vanquished and continuing to pick those fights will be counterproductive. New Jersey is a highly unionized, pro-labor state. There are more than one million union members here, meaning more than one million union families. Significantly, one in every four New Jersey families includes a public worker. Sixty thousand state worker union members will soon be more than potential voters. They will also be his employees. To deal with the fiscal tsunami and to make strides in education, the new Governor needs labor's cooperation, not their ire.
In the first week after his victory, Gov-elect, Christie signaled state worker unions that he wanted givebacks and that he would be willing to declare a financial emergency to get them. While he now speaks of "tough but fair negotiations" rather than of slashing and cutting, the threat of massive layoffs remains. Last week, Christie told some in the press that he wanted an astounding and impossible $1.5 billion in givebacks from the state worker unions. That number was in addition to the $2 billion he intends to "save" by not funding the underfunded public employee pension again. Achieving those savings is impossible without a staggering number of layoffs in the tens of thousands. Now, that's a street fight in the making.
The ugly economy is taking its toll on everyone, including union working families. Their anger is not likely to subside just because the election is over. If the economy and the job market do not improve, workers' fury will just be redirected towards the new guy in charge. It remains to be seen whether Christie wants any allies in labor or whether he believes he doesn't need union members to succeed as Governor to or to win reelection. He may decide that his rhetoric should become reality and he should treat unionized labor as the enemy for the next four years. It's his call. If Christie chooses that path he politically endangers the many moderate Republican legislators who have made some good long-standing labor friends and who are up bat at the ballot box long before Christie will be.
However, if Christie and his legislative allies are imagining or desiring collaboration or support from organized labor or from union members in the months and years ahead and for future elections, there are FIVE THINGS HE MUST DO:
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